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  레오 13세의 '후마눔 게누스', 아이젠하워 대통령의 대통령직 고별 및 군산 복합체 경고 연설, 케네디 대통령의 비밀 사회 경고 연설
  글쓴이 : 요한     날짜 : 09-09-21 20:55     조회 : 8806    
 
 
 

후마눔 게누스 (Humanum Genus)
 
http://www.vatican.va/holy_father/leo_xiii/encyclicals/documents/hf_l-xiii_enc_18840420_humanum-genus_en.html
 
 
 
 
 
HUMANUM GENUS
ENCYCLICAL OF POPE LEO XIII
ON FREEMASONRY
 
To the Patriarchs, Primates, Archbishops, and
Bishops of the Catholic World in Grace and
Communion with the Apostolic See.
 
1. The race of man, after its miserable fall from God, the Creator and the Giver of heavenly gifts, "through the envy of the devil," separated into two diverse and opposite parts, of which the one steadfastly contends for truth and virtue, the other of those things which are contrary to virtue and to truth. The one is the kingdom of God on earth, namely, the true Church of Jesus Christ; and those who desire from their heart to be united with it, so as to gain salvation, must of necessity serve God and His only-begotten Son with their whole mind and with an entire will. The other is the kingdom of Satan, in whose possession and control are all whosoever follow the fatal example of their leader and of our first parents, those who refuse to obey the divine and eternal law, and who have many aims of their own in contempt of God, and many aims also against God.
 
2. This twofold kingdom St. Augustine keenly discerned and described after the manner of two cities, contrary in their laws because striving for contrary objects; and with a subtle brevity he expressed the efficient cause of each in these words: "Two loves formed two cities: the love of self, reaching even to contempt of God, an earthly city; and the love of God, reaching to contempt of self, a heavenly one."(1) At every period of time each has been in conflict with the other, with a variety and multiplicity of weapons and of warfare, although not always with equal ardour and assault. At this period, however, the partisans of evil seems to be combining together, and to be struggling with united vehemence, led on or assisted by that strongly organized and widespread association called the Freemasons. No longer making any secret of their purposes, they are now boldly rising up against God Himself. They are planning the destruction of holy Church publicly and openly, and this with the set purpose of utterly despoiling the nations of Christendom, if it were possible, of the blessings obtained for us through Jesus Christ our Saviour. Lamenting these evils, We are constrained by the charity which urges Our heart to cry out often to God: "For lo, Thy enemies have made a noise; and they that hate Thee have lifted up the head. They have taken a malicious counsel against Thy people, and they have consulted against Thy saints. They have said, 'come, and let us destroy them, so that they be not a nation.'(2)
 
3. At so urgent a crisis, when so fierce and so pressing an onslaught is made upon the Christian name, it is Our office to point out the danger, to mark who are the adversaries, and to the best of Our power to make head against their plans and devices, that those may not perish whose salvation is committed to Us, and that the kingdom of Jesus Christ entrusted to Our charge may not stand and remain whole, but may be enlarged by an ever-increasing growth throughout the world.
 
4. The Roman Pontiffs Our predecessors, in their incessant watchfulness over the safety of the Christian people, were prompt in detecting the presence and the purpose of this capital enemy immediately it sprang into the light instead of hiding as a dark conspiracy; and , moreover, they took occasion with true foresight to give, as it were on their guard, and not allow themselves to be caught by the devices and snares laid out to deceive them.
 
5. The first warning of the danger was given by Clement XII in the year 1738,(3) and his constitution was confirmed and renewed by Benedict XIV(4) Pius VII followed the same path;(5) and Leo XII, by his apostolic constitution, Quo Graviora,(6) put together the acts and decrees of former Pontiffs on this subject, and ratified and confirmed them forever. In the same sense spoke Pius VIII,(7) Gregory XVI,(8) and, many times over, Pius IX.(9)
 
6. For as soon as the constitution and the spirit of the masonic sect were clearly discovered by manifest signs of its actions, by the investigation of its causes, by publication of its laws, and of its rites and commentaries, with the addition often of the personal testimony of those who were in the secret, this apostolic see denounced the sect of the Freemasons, and publicly declared its constitution, as contrary to law and right, to be pernicious no less to Christiandom than to the State; and it forbade any one to enter the society, under the penalties which the Church is wont to inflict upon exceptionally guilty persons. The sectaries, indignant at this, thinking to elude or to weaken the force of these decrees, partly by contempt of them, and partly by calumny, accused the sovereign Pontiffs who had passed them either of exceeding the bounds of moderation in their decrees or of decreeing what was not just. This was the manner in which they endeavoured to elude the authority and the weight of the apostolic constitutions of Clement XII and Benedict XIV, as well as of Pius VII and Pius IX.(10) Yet, in the very society itself, there were to be found men who unwillingly acknowledged that the Roman Pontiffs had acted within their right, according to the Catholic doctrine and discipline. The Pontiffs received the same assent, and in strong terms, from many princes and heads of governments, who made it their business either to delate the masonic society to the apostolic see, or of their own accord by special enactments to brand it as pernicious, as, for example, in Holland, Austria, Switzerland, Spain, Bavaria, Savoy, and other parts of Italy.
 
7. But, what is of highest importance, the course of events has demonstrated the prudence of Our predecessors. For their provident and paternal solicitude had not always and every where the result desired; and this, either because of the simulation and cunning of some who were active agents in the mischief, or else of the thoughtless levity of the rest who ought, in their own interest, to have given to the matter their diligent attention. In consequence, the sect of Freemasons grew with a rapidity beyond conception in the course of a century and a half, until it came to be able, by means of fraud or of audacity, to gain such entrance into every rank of the State as to seem to be almost its ruling power. This swift and formidable advance has brought upon the Church, upon the power of princes, upon the public well-being, precisely that grievous harm which Our predecessors had long before foreseen. Such a condition has been reached that henceforth there will be grave reason to fear, not indeed for the Church - for her foundation is much too firm to be overturned by the effort of men - but for those States in which prevails the power, either of the sect of which we are speaking or of other sects not dissimilar which lend themselves to it as disciples and subordinates.
 
8. For these reasons We no sooner came to the helm of the Church than We clearly saw and felt it to be Our duty to use Our authority to the very utmost against so vast an evil. We have several times already, as occasion served, attacked certain chief points of teaching which showed in a special manner the perverse influence of Masonic opinions. Thus, in Our encyclical letter, Quod Apostolici Muneris, We endeavoured to refute the monstrous doctrines of the socialists and communists; afterwards, in another beginning "Arcanum," We took pains to defend and explain the true and genuine idea of domestic life, of which marriage is the spring and origin; and again, in that which begins ''Diuturnum,"(11) We described the ideal of political government conformed to the principles of Christian wisdom, which is marvellously in harmony, on the one hand, with the natural order of things, and, in the other, with the well-being of both sovereign princes and of nations. It is now Our intention, following the example of Our predecessors, directly to treat of the masonic society itself, of its whole teaching, of its aims, and of its manner of thinking and acting, in order to bring more and more into the light its power for evil, and to do what We can to arrest the contagion of this fatal plague.
 
9. There are several organized bodies which, though differing in name, in ceremonial, in form and origin, are nevertheless so bound together by community of purpose and by the similarity of their main opinions, as to make in fact one thing with the sect of the Freemasons, which is a kind of center whence they all go forth, and whither they all return. Now, these no longer show a desire to remain concealed; for they hold their meetings in the daylight and before the public eye, and publish their own newspaper organs; and yet, when thoroughly understood, they are found still to retain the nature and the habits of secret societies. There are many things like mysteries which it is the fixed rule to hide with extreme care, not only from strangers, but from very many members, also; such as their secret and final designs, the names of the chief leaders, and certain secret and inner meetings, as well as their decisions, and the ways and means of carrying them out. This is, no doubt, the object of the manifold difference among the members as to right, office, and privilege, of the received distinction of orders and grades, and of that severe discipline which is maintained.
 
Candidates are generally commanded to promise - nay, with a special oath, to swear - that they will never, to any person, at any time or in any way, make known the members, the passes, or the subjects discussed. Thus, with a fraudulent external appearance, and with a style of simulation which is always the same, the Freemasons, like the Manichees of old, strive, as far as possible, to conceal themselves, and to admit no witnesses but their own members. As a convenient manner of concealment, they assume the character of literary men and scholars associated for purposes of learning. They speak of their zeal for a more cultured refinement, and of their love for the poor; and they declare their one wish to be the amelioration of the condition of the masses, and to share with the largest possible number all the benefits of civil life. Were these purposes aimed at in real truth, they are by no means the whole of their object. Moreover, to be enrolled, it is necessary that the candidates promise and undertake to be thenceforward strictly obedient to their leaders and masters with the utmost submission and fidelity, and to be in readiness to do their bidding upon the slightest expression of their will; or, if disobedient, to submit to the direst penalties and death itself. As a fact, if any are judged to have betrayed the doings of the sect or to have resisted commands given, punishment is inflicted on them not infrequently, and with so much audacity and dexterity that the assassin very often escapes the detection and penalty of his crime.
 
10. But to simulate and wish to lie hid; to bind men like slaves in the very tightest bonds, and without giving any sufficient reason; to make use of men enslaved to the will of another for any arbitrary act ; to arm men's right hands for bloodshed after securing impunity for the crime - all this is an enormity from which nature recoils. Wherefore, reason and truth itself make it plain that the society of which we are speaking is in antagonism with justice and natural uprightness. And this becomes still plainer, inasmuch as other arguments, also, and those very manifest, prove that it is essentially opposed to natural virtue. For, no matter how great may be men's cleverness in concealing and their experience in lying, it is impossible to prevent the effects of any cause from showing, in some way, the intrinsic nature of the cause whence they come. "A good tree cannot produce bad fruit, nor a bad tree produce good fruit."(12) Now, the masonic sect produces fruits that are pernicious and of the bitterest savour. For, from what We have above most clearly shown, that which is their ultimate purpose forces itself into view - namely, the utter overthrow of that whole religious and political order of the world which the Christian teaching has produced, and the substitution of a new state of things in accordance with their ideas, of which the foundations and laws shall be drawn from mere naturalism.
 
11. What We have said, and are about to say, must be understood of the sect of the Freemasons taken generically, and in so far as it comprises the associations kindred to it and confederated with it, but not of the individual members of them. There may be persons amongst these, and not a few who, although not free from the guilt of having entangled themselves in such associations, yet are neither themselves partners in their criminal acts nor aware of the ultimate object which they are endeavoring to attain. In the same way, some of the affiliated societies, perhaps, by no means approve of the extreme conclusions which they would, if consistent, embrace as necessarily following from their common principles, did not their very foulness strike them with horror. Some of these, again, are led by circumstances of times and places either to aim at smaller things than the others usually attempt or than they themselves would wish to attempt. They are not, however, for this reason, to be reckoned as alien to the masonic federation; for the masonic federation is to be judged not so much by the things which it has done, or brought to completion, as by the sum of its pronounced opinions.
 
12. Now, the fundamental doctrine of the naturalists, which they sufficiently make known by their very name, is that human nature and human reason ought in all things to be mistress and guide. Laying this down, they care little for duties to God, or pervert them by erroneous and vague opinions. For they deny that anything has been taught by God; they allow no dogma of religion or truth which cannot be understood by the human intelligence, nor any teacher who ought to be believed by reason of his authority. And since it is the special and exclusive duty of the Catholic Church fully to set forth in words truths divinely received, to teach, besides other divine helps to salvation, the authority of its office, and to defend the same with perfect purity, it is against the Church that the rage and attack of the enemies are principally directed.
 
13. In those matters which regard religion let it be seen how the sect of the Freemasons acts, especially where it is more free to act without restraint, and then let any one judge whether in fact it does not wish to carry out the policy of the naturalists. By a long and persevering labor, they endeavor to bring about this result - namely, that the teaching office and authority of the Church may become of no account in the civil State; and for this same reason they declare to the people and contend that Church and State ought to be altogether disunited. By this means they reject from the laws and from the commonwealth the wholesome influence of the Catholic religion; and they consequently imagine that States ought to be constituted without any regard for the laws and precepts of the Church.
 
14. Nor do they think it enough to disregard the Church - the best of guides - unless they also injure it by their hostility. Indeed, with them it is lawful to attack with impunity the very foundations of the Catholic religion, in speech, in writing, and in teaching; and even the rights of the Church are not spared, and the offices with which it is divinely invested are not safe. The least possible liberty to manage affairs is left to the Church; and this is done by laws not apparently very hostile, but in reality framed and fitted to hinder freedom of action. Moreover, We see exceptional and onerous laws imposed upon the clergy, to the end that they may be continually diminished in number and in necessary means. We see also the remnants of the possessions of the Church fettered by the strictest conditions, and subjected to the power and arbitrary will of the administrators of the State, and the religious orders rooted up and scattered.
 
15. But against the apostolic see and the Roman Pontiff the contention of these enemies has been for a long time directed. The Pontiff was first, for specious reasons, thrust out from the bulwark of his liberty and of his right, the civil princedom; soon, he was unjustly driven into a condition which was unbearable because of the difficulties raised on all sides; and now the time has come when the partisans of the sects openly declare, what in secret among themselves they have for a long time plotted, that the sacred power of the Pontiffs must be abolished, and that the papacy itself, founded by divine right, must be utterly destroyed. If other proofs were wanting, this fact would be sufficiently disclosed by the testimony of men well informed, of whom some at other times, and others again recently, have declared it to be true of the Freemasons that they especially desire to assail the Church with irreconcilable hostility, and that they will never rest until they have destroyed whatever the supreme Pontiffs have established for the sake of religion.
 
16. If those who are admitted as members are not commanded to abjure by any form of words the Catholic doctrines, this omission, so far from being adverse to the designs of the Freemasons, is more useful for their purposes. First, in this way they easily deceive the simple-minded and the heedless, and can induce a far greater number to become members. Again, as all who offer themselves are received whatever may be their form of religion, they thereby teach the great error of this age-that a regard for religion should be held as an indifferent matter, and that all religions are alike. This manner of reasoning is calculated to bring about the ruin of all forms of religion, and especially of the Catholic religion, which, as it is the only one that is true, cannot, without great injustice, be regarded as merely equal to other religions.
 
17. But the naturalists go much further; for, having, in the highest things, entered upon a wholly erroneous course, they are carried headlong to extremes, either by reason of the weakness of human nature, or because God inflicts upon them the just punishment of their pride. Hence it happens that they no longer consider as certain and permanent those things which are fully understood by the natural light of reason, such as certainly are - the existence of God, the immaterial nature of the human soul, and its immortality. The sect of the Freemasons, by a similar course of error, is exposed to these same dangers; for, although in a general way they may profess the existence of God, they themselves are witnesses that they do not all maintain this truth with the full assent of the mind or with a firm conviction. Neither do they conceal that this question about God is the greatest source and cause of discords among them; in fact, it is certain that a considerable contention about this same subject has existed among them very lately. But, indeed, the sect allows great liberty to its votaries, so that to each side is given the right to defend its own opinion, either that there is a God, or that there is none; and those who obstinately contend that there is no God are as easily initiated as those who contend that God exists, though, like the pantheists, they have false notions concerning Him: all which is nothing else than taking away the reality, while retaining some absurd representation of the divine nature.
 
18. When this greatest fundamental truth has been overturned or weakened, it follows that those truths, also, which are known by the teaching of nature must begin to fall - namely, that all things were made by the free will of God the Creator; that the world is governed by Providence; that souls do not die; that to this life of men upon the earth there will succeed another and an everlasting life.
 
19. When these truths are done away with, which are as the principles of nature and important for knowledge and for practical use, it is easy to see what will become of both public and private morality. We say nothing of those more heavenly virtues, which no one can exercise or even acquire without a special gift and grace of God; of which necessarily no trace can be found in those who reject as unknown the redemption of mankind, the grace of God, the sacraments, and the happiness to be obtained in heaven. We speak now of the duties which have their origin in natural probity. That God is the Creator of the world and its provident Ruler; that the eternal law commands the natural order to be maintained, and forbids that it be disturbed; that the last end of men is a destiny far above human things and beyond this sojourning upon the earth: these are the sources and these the principles of all justice and morality. If these be taken away, as the naturalists and Freemasons desire, there will immediately be no knowledge as to what constitutes justice and injustice, or upon what principle morality is founded. And, in truth, the teaching of morality which alone finds favor with the sect of Freemasons, and in which they contend that youth should be instructed, is that which they call "civil," and "independent," and "free," namely, that which does not contain any religious belief. But, how insufficient such teaching is, how wanting in soundness, and how easily moved by every impulse of passion, is sufficiently proved by its sad fruits, which have already begun to appear. For, wherever, by removing Christian education, this teaching has begun more completely to rule, there goodness and integrity of morals have begun quickly to perish, monstrous and shameful opinions have grown up, and the audacity of evil deeds has risen to a high degree. All this is commonly complained of and deplored; and not a few of those who by no means wish to do so are compelled by abundant evidence to give not infrequently the same testimony.
 
20. Moreover, human nature was stained by original sin, and is therefore more disposed to vice than to virtue. For a virtuous life it is absolutely necessary to restrain the disorderly movements of the soul, and to make the passions obedient to reason. In this conflict human things must very often be despised, and the greatest labors and hardships must be undergone, in order that reason may always hold its sway. But the naturalists and Freemasons, having no faith in those things which we have learned by the revelation of God, deny that our first parents sinned, and consequently think that free will is not at all weakened and inclined to evil.(13) On the contrary, exaggerating rather the power and the excellence of nature, and placing therein alone the principle and rule of justice, they cannot even imagine that there is any need at all of a constant struggle and a perfect steadfastness to overcome the violence and rule of our passions.
 
Wherefore we see that men are publicly tempted by the many allurements of pleasure; that there are journals and pamphlets with neither moderation nor shame; that stage-plays are remarkable for license; that designs for works of art are shamelessly sought in the laws of a so called verism; that the contrivances of a soft and delicate life are most carefully devised; and that all the blandishments of pleasure are diligently sought out by which virtue may be lulled to sleep. Wickedly, also, but at the same time quite consistently, do those act who do away with the expectation of the joys of heaven, and bring down all happiness to the level of mortality, and, as it were, sink it in the earth. Of what We have said the following fact, astonishing not so much in itself as in its open expression, may serve as a confirmation. For, since generally no one is accustomed to obey crafty and clever men so submissively as those whose soul is weakened and broken down by the domination of the passions, there have been in the sect of the Freemasons some who have plainly determined and proposed that, artfully and of set purpose, the multitude should be satiated with a boundless license of vice, as, when this had been done, it would easily come under their power and authority for any acts of daring.
 
21. What refers to domestic life in the teaching of the naturalists is almost all contained in the following declarations: that marriage belongs to the genus of commercial contracts, which can rightly be revoked by the will of those who made them, and that the civil rulers of the State have power over the matrimonial bond; that in the education of youth nothing is to be taught in the matter of religion as of certain and fixed opinion; and each one must be left at liberty to follow, when he comes of age, whatever he may prefer. To these things the Freemasons fully assent; and not only assent, but have long endeavoured to make them into a law and institution. For in many countries, and those nominally Catholic, it is enacted that no marriages shall be considered lawful except those contracted by the civil rite; in other places the law permits divorce; and in others every effort is used to make it lawful as soon as may be. Thus, the time is quickly coming when marriages will be turned into another kind of contract - that is into changeable and uncertain unions which fancy may join together, and which the same when changed may disunite.
 
With the greatest unanimity the sect of the Freemasons also endeavours to take to itself the education of youth. They think that they can easily mold to their opinions that soft and pliant age, and bend it whither they will; and that nothing can be more fitted than this to enable them to bring up the youth of the State after their own plan. Therefore, in the education and instruction of children they allow no share, either of teaching or of discipline, to the ministers of the Church; and in many places they have procured that the education of youth shall be exclusively in the hands of laymen, and that nothing which treats of the most important and most holy duties of men to God shall be introduced into the instructions on morals.
 
22. Then come their doctrines of politics, in which the naturalists lay down that all men have the same right, and are in every respect of equal and like condition; that each one is naturally free; that no one has the right to command another; that it is an act of violence to require men to obey any authority other than that which is obtained from themselves. According to this, therefore, all things belong to the free people; power is held by the command or permission of the people, so that, when the popular will changes, rulers may lawfully be deposed and the source of all rights and civil duties is either in the multitude or in the governing authority when this is constituted according to the latest doctrines. It is held also that the State should be without God; that in the various forms of religion there is no reason why one should have precedence of another; and that they are all to occupy the same place.
 
23. That these doctrines are equally acceptable to the Freemasons, and that they would wish to constitute States according to this example and model, is too well known to require proof. For some time past they have openly endeavoured to bring this about with all their strength and resources; and in this they prepare the way for not a few bolder men who are hurrying on even to worse things, in their endeavor to obtain equality and community of all goods by the destruction of every distinction of rank and property.
 
24. What, therefore, sect of the Freemasons is, and what course it pursues, appears sufficiently from the summary We have briefly given. Their chief dogmas are so greatly and manifestly at variance with reason that nothing can be more perverse. To wish to destroy the religion and the Church which God Himself has established, and whose perpetuity He insures by His protection, and to bring back after a lapse of eighteen centuries the manners and customs of the pagans, is signal folly and audacious impiety. Neither is it less horrible nor more tolerable that they should repudiate the benefits which Jesus Christ so mercifully obtained, not only for individuals, but also for the family and for civil society, benefits which, even according to the judgment and testimony of enemies of Christianity, are very great. In this insane and wicked endeavor we may almost see the implacable hatred and spirit of revenge with which Satan himself is inflamed against Jesus Christ. - So also the studious endeavour of the Freemasons to destroy the chief foundations of justice and honesty, and to co-operate with those who would wish, as if they were mere animals, to do what they please, tends only to the ignominious and disgraceful ruin of the human race.
 
The evil, too, is increased by the dangers which threaten both domestic and civil society. As We have elsewhere shown,(14) in marriage, according to the belief of almost every nation, there is something sacred and religious; and the law of God has determined that marriages shall not be dissolved. If they are deprived of their sacred character, and made dissoluble, trouble and confusion in the family will be the result, the wife being deprived of her dignity and the children left without protection as to their interests and well being.-To have in public matters no care for religion, and in the arrangement and administration of civil affairs to have no more regard for God than if He did not exist, is a rashness unknown to the very pagans; for in their heart and soul the notion of a divinity and the need of public religion were so firmly fixed that they would have thought it easier to have city without foundation than a city without God. Human society, indeed for which by nature we are formed, has been constituted by God the Author of nature; and from Him, as from their principle and source, flow in all their strength and permanence the countless benefits with which society abounds. As we are each of us admonished by the very voice of nature to worship God in piety and holiness, as the Giver unto us of life and of all that is good therein, so also and for the same reason, nations and States are bound to worship Him; and therefore it is clear that those who would absolve society from all religious duty act not only unjustly but also with ignorance and folly.
 
25. As men are by the will of God born for civil union and society, and as the power to rule is so necessary a bond of society that, if it be taken away, society must at once be broken up, it follows that from Him who is the Author of society has come also the authority to rule; so that whosoever rules, he is the minister of God. Wherefore, as the end and nature of human society so requires, it is right to obey the just commands of lawful authority, as it is right to obey God who ruleth all things; and it is most untrue that the people have it in their power to cast aside their obedience whensoever they please.
 
26. In like manner, no one doubts that all men are equal one to another, so far as regards their common origin and nature, or the last end which each one has to attain, or the rights and duties which are thence derived. But, as the abilities of all are not equal, as one differs from another in the powers of mind or body, and as there are very many dissimilarities of manner, disposition, and character, it is most repugnant to reason to endeavor to confine all within the same measure, and to extend complete equality to the institutions of civic life. Just as a perfect condition of the body results from the conjunction and composition of its various members, which, though differing in form and purpose, make, by their union and the distribution of each one to its proper place, a combination beautiful to behole, firm in strength, and necessary for use; so, in the commonwealth, there is an almost infinite dissimilarity of men, as parts of the whole. If they are to be all equal, and each is to follow his own will, the State will appear most deformed; but if, with a distinction of degrees of dignity, of pursuits and employments, all aptly conspire for the common good, they will present the image of a State both well constituted and conformable to nature.
 
27. Now, from the disturbing errors which We have described the greatest dangers to States are to be feared. For, the fear of God and reverence for divine laws being taken away, the authority of rulers despised, sedition permitted and approved, and the popular passions urged on to lawlessness, with no restraint save that of punishment, a change and overthrow of all things will necessarily follow. Yea, this change and overthrow is deliberately planned and put forward by many associations of communists and socialists; and to their undertakings the sect of Freemasons is not hostile, but greatly favours their designs, and holds in common with them their chief opinions. And if these men do not at once and everywhere endeavour to carry out their extreme views, it is not to be attributed to their teaching and their will, but to the virtue of that divine religion which cannot be destroyed; and also because the sounder part of men, refusing to be enslaved to secret societies, vigorously resist their insane attempts.
 
28. Would that all men would judge of the tree by its fruit, and would acknowledge the seed and origin of the evils which press upon us, and of the dangers that are impending! We have to deal with a deceitful and crafty enemy, who, gratifying the ears of people and of princes, has ensnared them by smooth speeches and by adulation. Ingratiating themselves with rulers under a pretense of friendship, the Freemasons have endeavoured to make them their allies and powerful helpers for the destruction of the Christian name; and that they might more strongly urge them on, they have, with determined calumny, accused the Church of invidiously contending with rulers in matters that affect their authority and sovereign power. Having, by these artifices, insured their own safety and audacity, they have begun to exercise great weight in the government of States; but nevertheless they are prepared to shake the foundations of empires, to harass the rulers of the State, to accuse, and to cast them out, as often as they appear to govern otherwise than they themselves could have wished. In like manner, they have by flattery deluded the people. Proclaiming with a loud voice liberty and public prosperity, and saying that it was owing to the Church and to sovereigns that the multitude were not drawn out of their unjust servitude and poverty, they have imposed upon the people, and, exciting them by a thirst for novelty, they have urged them to assail both the Church and the civil power. Nevertheless, the expectation of the benefits which was hoped for is greater than the reality; indeed, the common people, more oppressed than they were before, are deprived in their misery of that solace which, if things had been arranged in a Christian manner, they would have had with ease and in abundance. But, whoever strive against the order which Divine Providence has constituted pay usually the penalty of their pride, and meet with affliction and misery where they rashly hoped to find all things prosperous and in conformity with their desires.
 
29. The Church, if she directs men to render obedience chiefly and above all to God the sovereign Lord, is wrongly and falsely believed either to be envious of the civil power or to arrogate to herself something of the rights of sovereigns. On the contrary, she teaches that what is rightly due to the civil power must be rendered to it with a conviction and consciousness of duty. In teaching that from God Himself comes the right of ruling, she adds a great dignity to civil authority, and on small help towards obtaining the obedience and good will of the citizens. The friend of peace and sustainer of concord, she embraces all with maternal love, and, intent only upon giving help to mortal man, she teaches that to justice must be joined clemency, equity to authority, and moderation to lawgiving; that no one's right must be violated; that order and public tranquility are to be maintained; and that the poverty of those are in need is, as far as possible, to be relieved by public and private charity. "But for this reason," to use the words of St. Augustine, "men think, or would have it believed, that Christian teaching is not suited to the good of the State; for they wish the State to be founded not on solid virtue, but on the impunity of vice."(15) Knowing these things, both princes and people would act with political wisdom,(16) and according to the needs of general safety, if, instead of joining with Freemasons to destroy the Church, they joined with the Church in repelling their attacks.
 
30. Whatever the future may be, in this grave and widespread evil it is Our duty, venerable brethren, to endeavour to find a remedy. And because We know that Our best and firmest hope of a remedy is in the power of that divine religion which the Freemasons hate in proportion to their fear of it, We think it to be of chief importance to call that most saving power to Our aid against the common enemy. Therefore, whatsoever the Roman Pontiffs Our predecessors have decreed for the purpose of opposing the undertakings and endeavours of the masonic sect, and whatsoever they have enacted to enter or withdraw men from societies of this kind, We ratify and confirm it all by our apostolic authority: and trusting greatly to the good will of Christians, We pray and beseech each one, for the sake of his eternal salvation, to be most conscientiously careful not in the least to depart from what the apostolic see has commanded in this matter.
 
31. We pray and beseech you, venerable brethren, to join your efforts with Ours, and earnestly to strive for the extirpation of this foul plague, which is creeping through the veins of the body politic. You have to defend the glory of God and the salvation of your neighbour; and with the object of your strife before you, neither courage nor strength will be wanting. It will be for your prudence to judge by what means you can best overcome the difficulties and obstacles you meet with. But, as it befits the authority of Our office that We Ourselves should point out some suitable way of proceeding, We wish it to be your rule first of all to tear away the mask from Freemasonry, and to let it be seen as it really is; and by sermons and pastoral letters to instruct the people as to the artifices used by societies of this kind in seducing men and enticing them into their ranks, and as to the depravity of their opinions and the wickedness of their acts. As Our predecessors have many times repeated, let no man think that he may for any reason whatsoever join the masonic sect, if he values his Catholic name and his eternal salvation as he ought to value them. Let no one be deceived by a pretense of honesty. It may seem to some that Freemasons demand nothing that is openly contrary to religion and morality; but, as the whole principle and object of the sect lies in what is vicious and criminal, to join with these men or in any way to help them cannot be lawful.
 
32. Further, by assiduous teaching and exhortation, the multitude must be drawn to learn diligently the precepts of religion; for which purpose we earnestly advise that by opportune writings and sermons they be taught the elements of those sacred truths in which Christian philosophy is contained. The result of this will be that the minds of men will be made sound by instruction, and will be protected against many forms of error and inducements to wickedness, especially in the present unbounded freedom of writing and insatiable eagerness for learning.
 
33. Great, indeed, is the work; but in it the clergy will share your labours, if, through your care, they are fitted for it by learning and a well-turned life. This good and great work requires to be helped also by the industry of those amongst the laity in whom a love of religion and of country is joined to learning and goodness of life. By uniting the efforts of both clergy and laity, strive, venerable brethren, to make men thoroughly know and love the Church; for, the greater their knowledge and love of the Church, the more will they be turned away from clandestine societies.
 
34. Wherefore, not without cause do We use this occasion to state again what We have stated elsewhere, namely, that the Third Order of St. Francis, whose discipline We a little while ago prudently mitigated,(16) should be studiously promoted and sustained; for the whole object of this Order, as constituted by its founder, is to invite men to an imitation of Jesus Christ, to a love of the Church, and to the observance of all Christian virtues; and therefore it ought to be of great influence in suppressing the contagion of wicked societies. Let, therefore, this holy sodality be strengthened by a daily increase. Amongst the many benefits to be expected from it will be the great benefit of drawing the minds of men to liberty, fraternity, and equality of right; not such as the Freemasons absurdly imagine, but such as Jesus Christ obtained for the human race and St. Francis aspired to: the liberty, We mean, of sons of God, through which we may be free from slavery to Satan or to our passions, both of them most wicked masters; the fraternity whose origin is in God, the common Creator and Father of all; the equality which, founded on justice and charity, does not take away all distinctions among men, but, out of the varieties of life, of duties, and of pursuits, forms that union and that harmony which naturally tend to the benefit and dignity of society.
 
35. In the third place, there is a matter wisely instituted by our forefathers, but in course of time laid aside, which may now be used as a pattern and form of something similar. We mean the associations of guilds of workmen, for the protection, under the guidance of religion, both of their temporal interests and of their morality. If our ancestors, by long use and experience, felt the benefit of these guilds, our age perhaps will feel it the more by reason of the opportunity which they will give of crushing the power of the sects. Those who support themselves by the labour of their hands, besides being, by their very condition, most worthy above all others of charity and consolation, are also especially exposed to the allurements of men whose ways lie in fraud and deceit. Therefore, they ought to be helped with the greatest possible kindness, and to be invited to join associations that are good, lest they be drawn away to others that are evil. For this reason, We greatly wish, for the salvation of the people, that, under the auspices and patronage of the bishops, and at convenient times, these gilds may be generally restored. To Our great delight, sodalities of this kind and also associations of masters have in many places already been established, having, each class of them, for their object to help the honest workman, to protect and guard his children and family, and to promote in them piety, Christian knowledge, and a moral life. And in this matter We cannot omit mentioning that exemplary society, named after its founder, St. Vincent, which has deserved so well of the lower classes. Its acts and its aims are well known. Its whole object is to give relief to the poor and miserable. This it does with singular prudence and modesty; and the less it wishes to be seen, the better is it fitted for the exercise of Christian charity, and for the relief of suffering.
 
36. In the fourth place, in order more easily to attain what We wish, to your fidelity and watchfulness We commend in a special manner the young, as being the hope of human society. Devote the greatest part of your care to their instruction; and do not think that any precaution can be great enough in keeping them from masters and schools whence the pestilent breath of the sects is to be feared. Under your guidance, let parents, religious instructors, and priests having the cure of souls use every opportunity, in their Christian teaching, of warning their children and pupils of the infamous nature of these societies, so that they may learn in good time to beware of the various and fraudulent artifices by which their promoters are accustomed to ensnare people. And those who instruct the young in religious knowledge will act wisely if they induce all of them to resolve and to undertake never to bind themselves to any society without the knowledge of their parents, or the advice of their parish priest or director.
 
37. We well know, however, that our united labors will by no means suffice to pluck up these pernicious seeds from the Lord's field, unless the Heavenly Master of the vineyard shall mercifully help us in our endeavours. We must, therefore, with great and anxious care, implore of Him the help which the greatness of the danger and of the need requires. The sect of the Freemasons shows itself insolent and proud of its success, and seems as if it would put no bounds to its pertinacity. Its followers, joined together by a wicked compact and by secret counsels, give help one to another, and excite one another to an audacity for evil things. So vehement an attack demands an equal defence-namely, that all good men should form the widest possible association of action and of prayer. We beseech them, therefore, with united hearts, to stand together and unmoved against the advancing force of the sects; and in mourning and supplication to stretch out their hands to God, praying that the Christian name may flourish and prosper, that the Church may enjoy its needed liberty, that those who have gone astray may return to a right mind, that error at length may give place to truth, and vice to virtue. Let us take our helper and intercessor the Virgin Mary, Mother of God, so that she, who from the moment of her conception overcame Satan may show her power over these evil sects, in which is revived the contumacious spirit of the demon, together with his unsubdued perfidy and deceit. Let us beseech Michael, the prince of the heavenly angels, who drove out the infernal foe; and Joseph, the spouse of the most holy Virgin, and heavenly patron of the Catholic Church; and the great Apostles, Peter and Paul, the fathers and victorious champions of the Christian faith. By their patronage, and by perseverance in united prayer, we hope that God will mercifully and opportunely succor the human race, which is encompassed by so many dangers.
 
38. As a pledge of heavenly gifts and of Our benevolence, We lovingly grant in the Lord, to you, venerable brethren, and to the clergy and all the people committed to your watchful care, Our apostolic benediction.
 
Given at St. Peter's in Rome, the twentieth day of April, 1884, the sixth year of Our pontificate. 
 
LEO XIII

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
REFERENCES: 
1. De civ. Dei, 14, 28 (PL 41, 436). 
2. Ps. 82:24. 
3. Const. In Eminenti, April 24, 1738. 
4. Const. Providas, May 18, 1751.
5. Const. Ecclesiam a Jesu Christo, Sept. 13, 1821.
6. Const. given March 13, 1825. 
7. Encyc. Traditi, May 21, 1829. 
8. Encyc. Mirari, Augusr 15, 1832. 
9. Encyc. Qui Pluribus, Nov. 9, 1846; address Multiplices inter, Sept. 25, 1865, etc.
10. Clement XII (1730-40); Benedict XIV (1740-58); Pius VII (1800-23); Pius IX (1846-78).
11. See nos. 79, 81, 84.
12. Matt. 7:18.
 13. Trid., sess. vi, De justif., c. 1. Text of the Council of Trent: "tametsi in eis (sc. Judaeis) liberum arbitrium minime extinctum esset, viribus licet attenuatum et inclinatum".
14. See Arcanum, no. 81.
15. Epistola 137, ad Volusianum, c. v, n. 20 (PL 33 525).
16. The text here refers to the encyclical letter Auspicato Concessum (Sept. 17, 1882), in which Pope Leo XIII had recently glorified St. Francis of Assisi on the occasion of the seventh centenary of his birch. In this encyclical, the Pope had presented the Third Order of St. Francis as a Christian answer to the social problems of the times. The constitution Misericors Dei Filius (June 23, 1883) expressly recalled that the neglect in which Christian virtues are held is the main cause of the evils that threaten societies. In confirming the rule of the Third Order and adapting it to the needs of modern times, Pope Leo XIII had intended to bring back the largest possible number of souls to the practice of these virtues.
 
 
 
 
Humanum Genus 번역과 해설 :  http://www.sspxkorea.wo.to/against/4humanumgenus.htm
 
 
 
Humanum Genus 가 중요한 것이 아니라 Humanum Genus 가 신학적 기초로 사용하고 있는 어거스틴의 하나님의 도성(Civitas Dei)가 중요합니다.
 
그러니 마틴 루터의 '두 왕국설'이 Humanum Genus 보다 더 중요한 것이지요. 말하자면 프리메이슨과 일루미나티는 '하나님의 도성'에 도전하는 '사탄의 도성'이라는 뜻입니다. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
아이젠하워 대통령과 케네디 대통령
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
아이젠하워 대통령의 고별 연설 (군산복합체의 위험성에 대한 경고)
 
 
 
 
 

Dwight D. Eisenhower

Farewell Address 

delivered 17 January 1961

 
 
 
Good evening, my fellow Americans.

First, I should like to express my gratitude to the radio and television networks for the opportunities they have given me over the years to bring reports and messages to our nation. My special thanks go to them for the opportunity of addressing you this evening.

Three days from now, after half century in the service of our country, I shall lay down the responsibilities of office as, in traditional and solemn ceremony, the authority of the Presidency is vested in my successor. This evening, I come to you with a message of leave-taking and farewell, and to share a few final thoughts with you, my countrymen.

Like every other -- Like every other citizen, I wish the new President, and all who will labor with him, Godspeed. I pray that the coming years will be blessed with peace and prosperity for all.

Our people expect their President and the Congress to find essential agreement on issues of great moment, the wise resolution of which will better shape the future of the nation. My own relations with the Congress, which began on a remote and tenuous basis when, long ago, a member of the Senate appointed me to West Point, have since ranged to the intimate during the war and immediate post-war period, and finally to the mutually interdependent during these past eight years. In this final relationship, the Congress and the Administration have, on most vital issues, cooperated well, to serve the nation good, rather than mere partisanship, and so have assured that the business of the nation should go forward. So, my official relationship with the Congress ends in a feeling -- on my part -- of gratitude that we have been able to do so much together.

We now stand ten years past the midpoint of a century that has witnessed four major wars among great nations. Three of these involved our own country. Despite these holocausts, America is today the strongest, the most influential, and most productive nation in the world. Understandably proud of this pre-eminence, we yet realize that America's leadership and prestige depend, not merely upon our unmatched material progress, riches, and military strength, but on how we use our power in the interests of world peace and human betterment.

Throughout America's adventure in free government, our basic purposes have been to keep the peace, to foster progress in human achievement, and to enhance liberty, dignity, and integrity among peoples and among nations. To strive for less would be unworthy of a free and religious people. Any failure traceable to arrogance, or our lack of comprehension, or readiness to sacrifice would inflict upon us grievous hurt, both at home and abroad.

Progress toward these noble goals is persistently threatened by the conflict now engulfing the world. It commands our whole attention, absorbs our very beings. We face a hostile ideology global in scope, atheistic in character, ruthless in purpose, and insiduous [insidious] in method. Unhappily, the danger it poses promises to be of indefinite duration. To meet it successfully, there is called for, not so much the emotional and transitory sacrifices of crisis, but rather those which enable us to carry forward steadily, surely, and without complaint the burdens of a prolonged and complex struggle with liberty the stake. Only thus shall we remain, despite every provocation, on our charted course toward permanent peace and human betterment.

Crises there will continue to be. In meeting them, whether foreign or domestic, great or small, there is a recurring temptation to feel that some spectacular and costly action could become the miraculous solution to all current difficulties. A huge increase in newer elements of our defenses; development of unrealistic programs to cure every ill in agriculture; a dramatic expansion in basic and applied research -- these and many other possibilities, each possibly promising in itself, may be suggested as the only way to the road we wish to travel.

But each proposal must be weighed in the light of a broader consideration: the need to maintain balance in and among national programs, balance between the private and the public economy, balance between the cost and hoped for advantages, balance between the clearly necessary and the comfortably desirable, balance between our essential requirements as a nation and the duties imposed by the nation upon the individual, balance between actions of the moment and the national welfare of the future. Good judgment seeks balance and progress. Lack of it eventually finds imbalance and frustration. The record of many decades stands as proof that our people and their Government have, in the main, understood these truths and have responded to them well, in the face of threat and stress.

But threats, new in kind or degree, constantly arise. Of these, I mention two only.

A vital element in keeping the peace is our military establishment. Our arms must be mighty, ready for instant action, so that no potential aggressor may be tempted to risk his own destruction. Our military organization today bears little relation to that known of any of my predecessors in peacetime, or, indeed, by the fighting men of World War II or Korea.

Until the latest of our world conflicts, the United States had no armaments industry. American makers of plowshares could, with time and as required, make swords as well. But we can no longer risk emergency improvisation of national defense. We have been compelled to create a permanent armaments industry of vast proportions. Added to this, three and a half million men and women are directly engaged in the defense establishment. We annually spend on military security alone more than the net income of all United States cooperations -- corporations.

Now this conjunction of an immense military establishment and a large arms industry is new in the American experience. The total influence -- economic, political, even spiritual -- is felt in every city, every Statehouse, every office of the Federal government. We recognize the imperative need for this development. Yet, we must not fail to comprehend its grave implications. Our toil, resources, and livelihood are all involved. So is the very structure of our society.

In the councils of government, we must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought, by the military-industrial complex. The potential for the disastrous rise of misplaced power exists and will persist. We must never let the weight of this combination endanger our liberties or democratic processes. We should take nothing for granted. Only an alert and knowledgeable citizenry can compel the proper meshing of the huge industrial and military machinery of defense with our peaceful methods and goals, so that security and liberty may prosper together.

Akin to, and largely responsible for the sweeping changes in our industrial-military posture, has been the technological revolution during recent decades. In this revolution, research has become central; it also becomes more formalized, complex, and costly. A steadily increasing share is conducted for, by, or at the direction of, the Federal government.

Today, the solitary inventor, tinkering in his shop, has been overshadowed by task forces of scientists in laboratories and testing fields. In the same fashion, the free university, historically the fountainhead of free ideas and scientific discovery, has experienced a revolution in the conduct of research. Partly because of the huge costs involved, a government contract becomes virtually a substitute for intellectual curiosity. For every old blackboard there are now hundreds of new electronic computers. The prospect of domination of the nation's scholars by Federal employment, project allocations, and the power of money is ever present -- and is gravely to be regarded.

Yet, in holding scientific research and discovery in respect, as we should, we must also be alert to the equal and opposite danger that public policy could itself become the captive of a scientific-technological elite.

It is the task of statesmanship to mold, to balance, and to integrate these and other forces, new and old, within the principles of our democratic system -- ever aiming toward the supreme goals of our free society.

Another factor in maintaining balance involves the element of time. As we peer into society's future, we -- you and I, and our government -- must avoid the impulse to live only for today, plundering for our own ease and convenience the precious resources of tomorrow. We cannot mortgage the material assets of our grandchildren without risking the loss also of their political and spiritual heritage. We want democracy to survive for all generations to come, not to become the insolvent phantom of tomorrow.

During the long lane of the history yet to be written, America knows that this world of ours, ever growing smaller, must avoid becoming a community of dreadful fear and hate, and be, instead, a proud confederation of mutual trust and respect. Such a confederation must be one of equals. The weakest must come to the conference table with the same confidence as do we, protected as we are by our moral, economic, and military strength. That table, though scarred by many fast frustrations -- past frustrations, cannot be abandoned for the certain agony of disarmament -- of the battlefield.

Disarmament, with mutual honor and confidence, is a continuing imperative. Together we must learn how to compose differences, not with arms, but with intellect and decent purpose. Because this need is so sharp and apparent, I confess that I lay down my official responsibilities in this field with a definite sense of disappointment. As one who has witnessed the horror and the lingering sadness of war, as one who knows that another war could utterly destroy this civilization which has been so slowly and painfully built over thousands of years, I wish I could say tonight that a lasting peace is in sight.

Happily, I can say that war has been avoided. Steady progress toward our ultimate goal has been made. But so much remains to be done. As a private citizen, I shall never cease to do what little I can to help the world advance along that road.

So, in this, my last good night to you as your President, I thank you for the many opportunities you have given me for public service in war and in peace. I trust in that -- in that -- in that service you find some things worthy. As for the rest of it, I know you will find ways to improve performance in the future.

You and I, my fellow citizens, need to be strong in our faith that all nations, under God, will reach the goal of peace with justice. May we be ever unswerving in devotion to principle, confident but humble with power, diligent in pursuit of the Nations' great goals.

To all the peoples of the world, I once more give expression to America's prayerful and continuing aspiration: We pray that peoples of all faiths, all races, all nations, may have their great human needs satisfied; that those now denied opportunity shall come to enjoy it to the full; that all who yearn for freedom may experience its few spiritual blessings. Those who have freedom will understand, also, its heavy responsibility; that all who are insensitive to the needs of others will learn charity; and that the sources -- scourges of poverty, disease, and ignorance will be made [to] disappear from the earth; and that in the goodness of time, all peoples will come to live together in a peace guaranteed by the binding force of mutual respect and love.

Now, on Friday noon, I am to become a private citizen. I am proud to do so. I look forward to it.

Thank you, and good night.
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
드와이트 D. 아이젠하워의 고별연설
 
(1961)
 
 
 
동포 여러분

지금부터 사흘 후, 지난 반세기 동안 조국을 위해 일해온 나는 임기를 마치게 됩니다. 전통적이고 엄숙한 의식을 통해 나는 대통령직의 책임을 내려놓을 것이며 그 권한은 후임자에게 부여됩니다.

오늘 저녁 나는 국민 여러분에게 작별의 인사말을 하고, 마지막으로 몇 가지 의견을 나누고자 이 자리에 나왔습니다.

다른 모든 국민처럼 나는 신임 대통령과 그와 함께 일할 모든 사람에게 신의 가호를 빕니다. 다가오는 해들이 모두를 위해 평화와 번영으로 축복 되기를 기도합니다.

미국 국민은 대통령과 의회가 아주 중대한 문제에 관하여 근본적인 합의를 이루기를 기대합니다. 그 문제의 현명한 해결은 이 나라의 장래를 더욱 훌륭하게 만들어 줄 것입니다.

나 자신과 의회의 관계는, 오래 전 상원의원 한 분이 나를 웨스트포인트 육군사관학교에 임명했던 아득히 멀고 끈질긴 인연에서 시작되었는데, 그 후 전쟁 중과 전쟁 직후에는 친밀한 관계를 맺어 왔고, 마침내 지난 8년간 대통령 재임시에는 상호 의존적인 관계로 이어져 왔습니다.

이 최종 관계에 있어 의회와 행정부는 가장 중요한 현안 문제를 놓고 잘 협력한 덕분으로, 단순한 협조의 차원을 넘어 국가 이익에 크게 공헌했으며, 국가 사업이 추진될 수 있도록 했습니다. 따라서 의회와의 공적인 관계는, 제 입장에서는, 그 동안 우리가 서로 합심하여 그토록 많은 과업을 이룰 수 있었음을 감사하는 감정으로 귀결됩니다.
 
II.

우리는 현재 큰 국가들 사이에서 일어났던 네 번의 큰 전쟁을 목격한 세기의 중반을 10년 넘긴 시점에 서있습니다. 그 중 세 전쟁에는 우리나라도 개입되었습니다. 이들 전쟁에도 불구하고 미국은 오늘날 세계에서 가장 강력하고, 가장 영향력 있고, 가장 생산적인 국가입니다. 당연히 이 우월성을 자부하면서도, 우리는 미국의 지도력과 국위가 우리의 비할 바 없는 물질적 발전과 부, 그리고 군사력에 달려 있을 뿐 아니라, 우리가 우리의 역량을 어떻게 세계 평화와 인간 발전에 활용할 것 인가에도 달려 있다는 사실을 깨닫고 있습니다.
 
III.

자유 정부에 대한 미국의 모험을 통 털어 우리의 근본 목적은 평화를 수호하는 것이었습니다. 인간의 업적에서 진전을 도모하고, 국민과 국가 사이의 자유, 위엄, 성실을 높이는 것입니다. 더 적은 것을 추구함은 자유롭고 종교적인 국민에게는 당치 않은 일이 될 것입니다. 거만으로 치부될 수 있는 어떠한 실패나, 희생을 이해하거나 각오하지 못하면 국내외에서 우리에게 끔찍한 위해가 가해질 것입니다.

이 고매한 목표들을 향한 진전은 오늘날 세계를 집어삼키고 있는 분쟁에 의해 끊임없이 위협 받고 있습니다. 그 분쟁은 우리의 모든 주의를 요구하고, 우리의 존재 자체를 흡입하고 있습니다. 우리는 적대적인 이데올로기와 대면하고 있는 바 이는 규모에서 전 세계적이고, 성격에서 무신론적이며 목적은 무자비하며 방법은 교묘합니다. 불행하게도 그것이 던지는 위험은 무한히 지속될 것임을 기약하고 있습니다. 그 위험에 성공적으로 대처하기 위해서는 위기의 감정적이고 일시적인 희생이 아니라 자유를 걸고 꾸준히, 확실하게, 길고도 복잡한 투쟁의 부담을 불평하지 않고, 우리를 전진할 수 있게 하는 희생이 요구됩니다. 그렇게 함으로써 만이 우리는 모든 도발에도 불구하고 영구적 평화와 인간의 계발을 향한 우리의 정해진 과정을 지킬 수 있을 것입니다.

위기는 계속 존재할 것입니다. 해외에서든 국내에서든, 크든 작든, 그들을 맞음에 있어, 어떤 장대하고 값비싼 행동이 모든 현존 난관에 기적적인 해결책이 될 수도 있을 것이라고 느끼는 유혹이 반복적으로 일어날 것입니다. 우리 국방력에 더 새로운 요소들이 크게 증가하고, 농업에 있어 모든 악을 치료하는 비현실적인 프로그램들을 개발하고, 기초 및 응용 연구에서 극적인 확장 등을 비롯한 많은 다른 가능성들이 그 각각에 있어서는 장래성이 있지만 우리가 가야 할 방향을 향한 유일한 길로 시사될 지도 모릅니다.

그러나 각 제안은 더 넓은 시각의 관점에서 판단되어야 합니다. 즉 국가적 프로그램들에서 또, 그들 간에 균형을 유지해야 하는 바 개인 및 공공 경제 사이의 균형, 비용과 원하는 이익 사이의 균형, 분명히 필요한 것과 무난히 바람직한 것 사이의 균형, 국가로서 우리의 필수 요청 사항들과 국가가 개인에 강제하는 의무들 사이의 균형. 일순간의 행동과 장래 국가의 복지 사이의 균형이 그것입니다. 훌륭한 판단은 균형과 진전을 추구합니다. 그것이 결여되면 불균형과 좌절이 초래됩니다.

지난 수 십 년 동안의 기록은 우리 국민과 정부가, 위험과 위협에 맞서, 이들 진리를 대체로 잘 이해했고, 그에 잘 대응했다는 증거가 되고 있습니다. 그러나 유형이나 정도에 있어 새로운 위협들은 끊임없이 일어납니다. 나는 두 가지만 언급합니다.
 
IV.

평화 유지에 있어 주요한 요소의 하나는 우리 군사력의 확립입니다. 우리의 군사력은 어떠한 잠재적인 침략자도 스스로의 파괴를 가져올 위험한 도전을 감행할 유혹을 느끼지 못하도록 강력하고 즉각적인 행동을 개시할 수 있는 만반의 준비 태세를 갖춰야 합니다.

오늘 날 우리의 군사적 조직은 평화 시 나의 전임자들 중의 누구나 몰랐던, 혹은 실제로 제2차 세계 대전과 한국 전쟁의 참전 용사들이 알고 있던 바와는 거의 관계가 없는 것입니다.

최근의 우리 세계 분쟁들에 이르기까지 미국에는 방위 산업이 없었습니다. 미국의 보습 제조업자들은 시간이 지나고, 요청을 받으면 칼도 만듭니다. 그러나 우리는 이제 더 이상 국방에서 즉흥적인 위기 해결이라는 위험을 감수할 수 없습니다. 우리는 방대한 규모의 영속적인 방위산업을 창조하지 않을 수 없었습니다. 여기에 덧붙여, 350만의 남녀 국민이 국방 체계에 직접 참여하고 있습니다. 우리는 매년 군사적 안보에 미국 기업 전체의 순익보다 많은 비용을 쓰고 있습니다.

이 방대한 군사 체계와 대규모 방위산업의 결합은 미국의 새로운 경험입니다. 그 전체적인 영향력, 즉 경제, 정치, 심지어 정신적 영향은 모든 도시와 모든 주와 연방 정부의 모든 기관에서 느끼고 있습니다. 우리는 이런 발전의 긴급한 필요성을 인식합니다. 그러면서도 우리는 그것의 심각한 함의를 이해하지 않으면 안됩니다. 우리의 노력과 자원과 생계가 모두 관련되어 있습니다. 우리의 사회의 구조 자체도 관련되어 있습니다.

정부의 협의회에서, 우리는 추구했든 추구하지 않았든, 군사, 방위 산업 단지에 의한 부당한 영향력의 획득을 경계해야 합니다. 잘못 주어진 권력이 파괴적인 발호 가능성은 존재하며 또 앞으로도 계속 존재할 것입니다.

우리는 이 결합이 우리의 자유나 민주적 절차를 위협하게 해서는 안됩니다. 우리는 아무 것도 당연시 해서는 안됩니다. 기민하고 현명하게 상황을 판단하는 국민들만이 거대한 산업적, 군사적 방위 기구를 우리의 평화적인 방법 및 목표와 적절하게 조화시킬 수 있으며, 그렇게 함으로써 안보와 자유는 함께 번영할 수 있을 것입니다.

우리의 산업적, 군사적 자세에서 일어난 그 전면적인 변화와 유사하고 그 변화에 큰 책임이 있기도 한 것은, 지난 수십 년 간의 기술적 혁명이었습니다.

이 혁명 속에서 연구가 중심이 되었습니다. 그 연구는 또한 더욱 공식화되고 복잡해지고, 비용이 많이 들고 있습니다. 연구 활동은 연방정부를 위해, 연방 정부에 의해, 혹은 연방정부의 방침에 따라 꾸준히 그 몫이 증가하고 있습니다.

오늘날 자기의 공작실에 틀어박혀 혼자 일을 하는 발명가는, 실험실과 실험장에서 활동하고 있는 특수 임무를 받은 과학자들에 의해 가려져 왔습니다. 마찬가지로, 역사적으로 자유로운 착상과 과학적 발견의 원천이었던 자주적인 대학도 연구의 운영에서 변혁을 겪어 왔습니다. 부분적으로는 막대한 비용이 들기 때문이겠지만, 정부의 계약이 사실상 지적 탐구심의 대체물이 되고 있습니다. 모든 낡은 흑판들을 이제 수백 가지의 전자 컴퓨터가 대신하고 있습니다.

국가의 학자들을 모두 연방이 고용하고, 사업을 할당할 것이라는 전망과 돈의 힘은 항존하고 있으며 심각하게 간주되고 있습니다.

그럼에도, 우리가 당연히 그래야 하듯, 과학 연구와 발견을 존중하는데 있어 우리는 공공 정책이 그 자체로 과학-기술 엘리트의 포로가 될 가능성이 있다는 동등하고 정반대 되는 위험도 경계를 해야 합니다.

언제나 우리 자유 사회의 지상 목표들을 조준하면서 새롭고 낡은 이들 세력과 여타 세력들을 우리 민주적 체계의 원칙 내에서 주조하고, 균형을 맞추고, 하나로 만드는 것은 정치가들의 과업입니다.
 
V.

균형 유지에 있어 또 하나의 요인은 시간이라는 요소입니다. 우리가 사회의 장래를 들여다볼 때, 우리, 즉 나와 나, 그리고 우리 정부는 우리 자신의 안락과 편의를 위하여 내일의 귀중한 자원을 낭비하며 오늘 만을 위해 살고자 하는 충동을 피해야 합니다. 우리는 후손들의 물질적 자산을 저당 잡히게 되면, 반드시 그 후손들의 정치적, 정신적 유산의 상실을 가져올 위험을 낳게 됩니다. 우리는 민주주의가 미래의 모든 세대를 위하여 민주주의가 살아 남기를 바라며, 내일의 빈털터리 유령이 되는 것을 원하지 않습니다.
 
VI.

앞으로 쓰여질 기나긴 역사를 따라 미국은 점점 더 작아지고 있는 이 우리의 세상이 가공할 공포와 증오의 공동체가 되는 것을 피하고, 그 대신 상호 신뢰와 존중의 자랑스런 연합체가 되도록 해야 합니다.

그런 연합체는 동등한 사람들의 연합체이어야 합니다. 가장 약한 자도 우리와 같은 자신감을 가지고 회의 탁자로 와야 하며 우리처럼 우리의 도덕, 경제, 그리고 군사력에 의해 보호 받아야 합니다. 그 탁자는 과거 많은 좌절로 상처가 나 있지만 전장의 어떤 고뇌 때문에 방치될 수는 없습니다.

군축은 상호 존중과 신뢰로, 계속 지속적으로 추진해야 할 필요가 있습니다. 우리는 다 함께 무기로서가 아니라, 지성과 고상한 목적으로 의견차를 조정하는 방법을 배워야 합니다. 이 필요성은 너무 절실하고 명백하기 때문에 나는 분명한 실망감과 함께, 이 분야에서의 제 공적인 책임을 내려 놓음을 고백합니다. 전쟁의 공포와 그에 따르는 슬픔을 목격했던 사람으로서, 수천 년에 걸쳐 그렇게 서서히, 고통스럽게 건설된 오늘의 문명이, 또다시 전쟁이 재발하면 모두 다 파괴되리라는 것을 알고 있는 사람으로서, 나는 오늘 밤 지속적인 평화가 눈에 보인다고 말할 수 있기를 바랍니다.

다행히도 나는 전쟁을 피했다고 말할 수 있습니다. 우리의 궁극적인 목표를 향한 꾸준한 진전이 이루어졌습니다. 그러나 아직도 해야 할 일이 너무도 많습니다. 한 민간인으로서, 나는 세계가 그 길을 따라 전진하도록 돕는 데 아무리 작은 일도 결코 멈추지 않을 것입니다.
 
VII.

그래서, 여러분의 대통령으로서 지금 이 마지막 인사말을 드리면서, 내가 전시와 평시에 공직에 봉사하도록 많은 기회를 부여하여 주신 것을 감사 드립니다. 나는 여러분이 그 봉사에서 다소나마 가치 있는 것을 발견하시리라 믿습니다. 그 나머지에 있어서는, 앞으로 여러분이 장래의 업적을 향상시킬 방안들을 찾으실 것임을 나는 압니다.

동포 여러분, 여러분과 나는 모든 국가가 신 아래서, 정의와 함께하는 평화의 목표에 이를 것이라는 우리의 믿음을 강화해야 합니다. 우리는 원칙에 대한 헌신에 있어 더욱 굳건하고, 힘에는 자신 있지만 겸허하고, 국가의 위대한 목표 추구에서는 부지런하기를 바랍니다.

세계의 모든 국민들에게 나는 다시 한번 미국의 경건하며 영속적인 영감을 표현합니다.

즉, 모든 종교, 모든 인종, 모든 국가의 국민이 큰 인간적 필수품을 얻기를, 현재 좋은 기회를 갖지 못한 사람들이 자유의 정신적 축복을 체험하기를, 현재 자유를 가진 사람들은 자유의 막중한 책임을 깨달을 수 있기를, 가난한 사람들의 궁핍을 느끼지 못하는 모든 사람이 자비심을 배울 수 있기를, 빈곤과 질병과 무지의 재난이 이 지상에서 사라지기를, 우애의 시대가 오면 서로를 존중하며 사랑하는 유대의 힘으로 보장된 평화 속에서 모든 나라의 국민이 공존하게 되기를 우리는 기도합니다.
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
케네디 대통령의 비밀 사회에 대한 경고 연설 (1)
 
 
 
Ladies and gentlemen:

The very word "secrecy" is repugnant in a free and open society; and we are as a people inherently and historically opposed to secret societies, to secret oaths and to secret proceedings. For we are opposed around the world by a monolithic and ruthless conspiracy that relies primarily on covert means for expanding its sphere of influence--on infiltration instead of invasion, on subversion instead of elections, on intimidation instead of free choice. It is a system which has conscripted vast human and material resources into the building of a tightly knit, highly efficient machine that combines military, diplomatic, intelligence, economic, scientific and political operations. Its preparations are concealed, not published. Its mistakes are buried, not headlined. Its dissenters are silenced, not praised. No expenditure is questioned, no secret is revealed. That is why the Athenian lawmaker Solon decreed it a crime for any citizen to shrink from controversy. I am asking your help in the tremendous task of informing and alerting the American people. Confident that with your help man will be what he was born to be: free and independent.

'비밀'이라는 단어는 자유롭고 공개된 사회속에서는 껄끄럽습니다. 우리 국민들은 본질적으로나 역사적으로 비밀 집단(사회), 비밀 서약, 비밀 맹세, 그리고 비밀리의 진행, 이런 것들에 대하여 반대하여 왔습니다. 우리는 세계적으로 영향력을 넓히기 위하여 비밀한 수단에 의존하거나 통제적이며 무정한 음모에 반대합니다. : 침공 대신에 침투, 선거 대신에 전복, 자유로운 선택 대신에 위협하는 것을 말합니다. 방대한 인적 물적 재원을 동원하여 군사적, 외교적, 첩보적, 경제적, 과학적, 정치적인 작전을 결집한 야무지게 조직되고 고도의 효율성을 가진 체제를 구축하는 시스템을 말합니다. 그에 대한 준비는 숨겨져 있으며 언론에 발표되지 않습니다. 거기서 실수한 것들은 파묻히고 보도되지 않습니다. 반대자들은 침묵 당하고 찬양받지 못합니다. 소요 비용에 대해서는 질문 받지도 않습니다. 그 어떤 비밀도 공개되지 않습니다. 이것은 아테네 법률가인 솔론이 시민들이 논쟁을 꺼리게 하는 범죄 행위라고 지칭한 이유입니다. 본인은 미국의 국민들에게 알리고 경계시키는 이 막중한 작업에 여러분의 도움을 청합니다. 여러분의 도움으로 사람들이 자유롭고 독립적인 본래의 상태로 돌아갈 수 있음을 확신합니다.
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
케네디 대통령의 비밀 사회에 대한 경고 연설 (2)
 
 
 
Ladies and gentlemen:
 
The very word "secrecy" is repugnant in a free and open society; and we are as a people inherently and historically opposed to secret societies, to secret oaths and to secret proceedings. We decided long ago that the dangers of excessive and unwarranted concealment of pertinent facts far outweighed the dangers which are cited to justify it. Even today, there is little value in opposing the threat of a closed society by imitating its arbitrary restrictions. Even today, there is little value in insuring the survival of our nation if our traditions do not survive with it. And there is very grave danger that an announced need for increased security will be seized upon by those anxious to expand its meaning to the very limits of official censorship and concealment. That I do not intend to permit to the extent that it is in my control. And no official of my Administration, whether his rank is high or low, civilian or military, should interpret my words here tonight as an excuse to censor the news, to stifle dissent, to cover up our mistakes or to withhold from the press and the public the facts they deserve to know.
    
For we are opposed around the world by a monolithic and ruthless conspiracy that relies primarily on covert means for expanding its sphere of influence--on infiltration instead of invasion, on subversion instead of elections, on intimidation instead of free choice, on guerrillas by night instead of armies by day. It is a system which has conscripted vast human and material resources into the building of a tightly knit, highly efficient machine that combines military, diplomatic, intelligence, economic, scientific and political operations.
    
Its preparations are concealed, not published. Its mistakes are buried, not headlined. Its dissenters are silenced, not praised. No expenditure is questioned, no rumor is printed, no secret is revealed.
 
No President should fear public scrutiny of his program. For from that scrutiny comes understanding; and from that understanding comes support or opposition. And both are necessary. I am not asking your newspapers to support the Administration, but I am asking your help in the tremendous task of informing and alerting the American people. For I have complete confidence (박수) in the response and dedication of our citizens whenever they are fully informed.
    
I not only could not stifle controversy among your readers--I welcome it. This Administration intends to be candid about its errors; for as a wise man once said: "An error does not become a mistake until you refuse to correct it." We intend to accept full responsibility for our errors; and we expect you to point them out when we miss them.
    
Without debate, without criticism, no Administration and no country can succeed--and no republic can survive. That is why the Athenian lawmaker Solon decreed it a crime for any citizen to shrink from controversy. And that is why our press was protected by the First Amendment-- the only business in America specifically protected by the Constitution- -not primarily to amuse and entertain, not to emphasize the trivial and the sentimental, not to simply "give the public what it wants"--but to inform, to arouse, to reflect, to state our dangers and our opportunities, to indicate our crises and our choices, to lead, mold, educate and sometimes even anger public opinion.
    
This means greater coverage and analysis of international news--for it is no longer far away and foreign but close at hand and local. It means greater attention to improved understanding of the news as well as improved transmission. And it means, finally, that government at all levels, must meet its obligation to provide you with the fullest possible information outside the narrowest limits of national security. And so it is to the printing press--to the recorder of man's deeds, the keeper of his conscience, the courier of his news--that we look for strength and assistance, confident that with your help man will be what he was born to be: free and independent.
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
케네디 대통령의 비밀 사회에 대한 경고 연설 (3)
 
 
 
The President and the Press: Address before the American Newspaper Publishers Association
 
President John F. Kennedy
Waldorf-Astoria Hotel
New York City, April 27, 1961
 

   
Mr. Chairman, ladies and gentlemen:
    
I appreciate very much your generous invitation to be here tonight.
    
You bear heavy responsibilities these days and an article I read some time ago reminded me of how particularly heavily the burdens of present day events bear upon your profession.
    
You may remember that in 1851 the New York Herald Tribune under the sponsorship and publishing of Horace Greeley, employed as its London correspondent an obscure journalist by the name of Karl Marx.
    
We are told that foreign correspondent Marx, stone broke, and with a family ill and undernourished, constantly appealed to Greeley and managing editor Charles Dana for an increase in his munificent salary of $5 per installment, a salary which he and Engels ungratefully labeled as the "lousiest petty bourgeois cheating."
    
But when all his financial appeals were refused, Marx looked around for other means of livelihood and fame, eventually terminating his relationship with the Tribune and devoting his talents full time to the cause that would bequeath the world the seeds of Leninism, Stalinism, revolution and the cold war.
    
If only this capitalistic New York newspaper had treated him more kindly; if only Marx had remained a foreign correspondent, history might have been different. And I hope all publishers will bear this lesson in mind the next time they receive a poverty-stricken appeal for a small increase in the expense account from an obscure newspaper man.
    
I have selected as the title of my remarks tonight "The President and the Press." Some may suggest that this would be more naturally worded "The President Versus the Press." But those are not my sentiments tonight.
    
It is true, however, that when a well-known diplomat from another country demanded recently that our State Department repudiate certain newspaper attacks on his colleague it was unnecessary for us to reply that this Administration was not responsible for the press, for the press had already made it clear that it was not responsible for this Administration.
    
Nevertheless, my purpose here tonight is not to deliver the usual assault on the so-called one party press. On the contrary, in recent months I have rarely heard any complaints about political bias in the press except from a few Republicans. Nor is it my purpose tonight to discuss or defend the televising of Presidential press conferences. I think it is highly beneficial to have some 20,000,000 Americans regularly sit in on these conferences to observe, if I may say so, the incisive, the intelligent and the courteous qualities displayed by your Washington correspondents.
    
Nor, finally, are these remarks intended to examine the proper degree of privacy which the press should allow to any President and his family.
    
If in the last few months your White House reporters and photographers have been attending church services with regularity, that has surely done them no harm.
    
On the other hand, I realize that your staff and wire service photographers may be complaining that they do not enjoy the same green privileges at the local golf courses that they once did.
    
It is true that my predecessor did not object as I do to pictures of one's golfing skill in action. But neither on the other hand did he ever bean a Secret Service man.
    
My topic tonight is a more sober one of concern to publishers as well as editors.
    
I want to talk about our common responsibilities in the face of a common danger. The events of recent weeks may have helped to illuminate that challenge for some; but the dimensions of its threat have loomed large on the horizon for many years. Whatever our hopes may be for the future--for reducing this threat or living with it--there is no escaping either the gravity or the totality of its challenge to our survival and to our security--a challenge that confronts us in unaccustomed ways in every sphere of human activity.
    
This deadly challenge imposes upon our society two requirements of direct concern both to the press and to the President--two requirements that may seem almost contradictory in tone, but which must be reconciled and fulfilled if we are to meet this national peril. I refer, first, to the need for a far greater public information; and, second, to the need for far greater official secrecy.
 
 
 
I
    
The very word "secrecy" is repugnant in a free and open society; and we are as a people inherently and historically opposed to secret societies, to secret oaths and to secret proceedings. We decided long ago that the dangers of excessive and unwarranted concealment of pertinent facts far outweighed the dangers which are cited to justify it. Even today, there is little value in opposing the threat of a closed society by imitating its arbitrary restrictions. Even today, there is little value in insuring the survival of our nation if our traditions do not survive with it. And there is very grave danger that an announced need for increased security will be seized upon by those anxious to expand its meaning to the very limits of official censorship and concealment. That I do not intend to permit to the extent that it is in my control. And no official of my Administration, whether his rank is high or low, civilian or military, should interpret my words here tonight as an excuse to censor the news, to stifle dissent, to cover up our mistakes or to withhold from the press and the public the facts they deserve to know.
    
But I do ask every publisher, every editor, and every newsman in the nation to reexamine his own standards, and to recognize the nature of our country's peril. In time of war, the government and the press have customarily joined in an effort based largely on self-discipline, to prevent unauthorized disclosures to the enemy. In time of "clear and present danger," the courts have held that even the privileged rights of the First Amendment must yield to the public's need for national security.
    
Today no war has been declared--and however fierce the struggle may be, it may never be declared in the traditional fashion. Our way of life is under attack. Those who make themselves our enemy are advancing around the globe. The survival of our friends is in danger. And yet no war has been declared, no borders have been crossed by marching troops, no missiles have been fired.
    
If the press is awaiting a declaration of war before it imposes the self-discipline of combat conditions, then I can only say that no war ever posed a greater threat to our security. If you are awaiting a finding of "clear and present danger," then I can only say that the danger has never been more clear and its presence has never been more imminent.
    
It requires a change in outlook, a change in tactics, a change in missions--by the government, by the people, by every businessman or labor leader, and by every newspaper. For we are opposed around the world by a monolithic and ruthless conspiracy that relies primarily on covert means for expanding its sphere of influence--on infiltration instead of invasion, on subversion instead of elections, on intimidation instead of free choice, on guerrillas by night instead of armies by day. It is a system which has conscripted vast human and material resources into the building of a tightly knit, highly efficient machine that combines military, diplomatic, intelligence, economic, scientific and political operations.
    
Its preparations are concealed, not published. Its mistakes are buried, not headlined. Its dissenters are silenced, not praised. No expenditure is questioned, no rumor is printed, no secret is revealed. It conducts the Cold War, in short, with a war-time discipline no democracy would ever hope or wish to match.
    
Nevertheless, every democracy recognizes the necessary restraints of national security--and the question remains whether those restraints need to be more strictly observed if we are to oppose this kind of attack as well as outright invasion.
    
For the facts of the matter are that this nation's foes have openly boasted of acquiring through our newspapers information they would otherwise hire agents to acquire through theft, bribery or espionage; that details of this nation's covert preparations to counter the enemy's covert operations have been available to every newspaper reader, friend and foe alike; that the size, the strength, the location and the nature of our forces and weapons, and our plans and strategy for their use, have all been pinpointed in the press and other news media to a degree sufficient to satisfy any foreign power; and that, in at least in one case, the publication of details concerning a secret mechanism whereby satellites were followed required its alteration at the expense of considerable time and money.
    
The newspapers which printed these stories were loyal, patriotic, responsible and well-meaning. Had we been engaged in open warfare, they undoubtedly would not have published such items. But in the absence of open warfare, they recognized only the tests of journalism and not the tests of national security. And my question tonight is whether additional tests should not now be adopted.
    
The question is for you alone to answer. No public official should answer it for you. No governmental plan should impose its restraints against your will. But I would be failing in my duty to the nation, in considering all of the responsibilities that we now bear and all of the means at hand to meet those responsibilities, if I did not commend this problem to your attention, and urge its thoughtful consideration.
    
On many earlier occasions, I have said--and your newspapers have constantly said--that these are times that appeal to every citizen's sense of sacrifice and self-discipline. They call out to every citizen to weigh his rights and comforts against his obligations to the common good. I cannot now believe that those citizens who serve in the newspaper business consider themselves exempt from that appeal.
    
I have no intention of establishing a new Office of War Information to govern the flow of news. I am not suggesting any new forms of censorship or any new types of security classifications. I have no easy answer to the dilemma that I have posed, and would not seek to impose it if I had one. But I am asking the members of the newspaper profession and the industry in this country to reexamine their own responsibilities, to consider the degree and the nature of the present danger, and to heed the duty of self-restraint which that danger imposes upon us all.
    
Every newspaper now asks itself, with respect to every story: "Is it news?" All I suggest is that you add the question: "Is it in the interest of the national security?" And I hope that every group in America--unions and businessmen and public officials at every level-- will ask the same question of their endeavors, and subject their actions to the same exacting tests.
    
And should the press of America consider and recommend the voluntary assumption of specific new steps or machinery, I can assure you that we will cooperate whole-heartedly with those recommendations.
    
Perhaps there will be no recommendations. Perhaps there is no answer to the dilemma faced by a free and open society in a cold and secret war. In times of peace, any discussion of this subject, and any action that results, are both painful and without precedent. But this is a time of peace and peril which knows no precedent in history.
 
 
 
II
    
 It is the unprecedented nature of this challenge that also gives rise to your second obligation--an obligation which I share. And that is our obligation to inform and alert the American people--to make certain that they possess all the facts that they need, and understand them as well--the perils, the prospects, the purposes of our program and the choices that we face.
    
No President should fear public scrutiny of his program. For from that scrutiny comes understanding; and from that understanding comes support or opposition. And both are necessary. I am not asking your newspapers to support the Administration, but I am asking your help in the tremendous task of informing and alerting the American people. For I have complete confidence in the response and dedication of our citizens whenever they are fully informed.
    
I not only could not stifle controversy among your readers--I welcome it. This Administration intends to be candid about its errors; for as a wise man once said: "An error does not become a mistake until you refuse to correct it." We intend to accept full responsibility for our errors; and we expect you to point them out when we miss them.
    
Without debate, without criticism, no Administration and no country can succeed--and no republic can survive. That is why the Athenian lawmaker Solon decreed it a crime for any citizen to shrink from controversy. And that is why our press was protected by the First Amendment-- the only business in America specifically protected by the Constitution- -not primarily to amuse and entertain, not to emphasize the trivial and the sentimental, not to simply "give the public what it wants"--but to inform, to arouse, to reflect, to state our dangers and our opportunities, to indicate our crises and our choices, to lead, mold, educate and sometimes even anger public opinion.
    
This means greater coverage and analysis of international news--for it is no longer far away and foreign but close at hand and local. It means greater attention to improved understanding of the news as well as improved transmission. And it means, finally, that government at all levels, must meet its obligation to provide you with the fullest possible information outside the narrowest limits of national security--and we intend to do it.
 
 
 
III
    
 It was early in the Seventeenth Century that Francis Bacon remarked on three recent inventions already transforming the world: the compass, gunpowder and the printing press. Now the links between the nations first forged by the compass have made us all citizens of the world, the hopes and threats of one becoming the hopes and threats of us all. In that one world's efforts to live together, the evolution of gunpowder to its ultimate limit has warned mankind of the terrible consequences of failure.
    
And so it is to the printing press--to the recorder of man's deeds, the keeper of his conscience, the courier of his news--that we look for strength and assistance, confident that with your help man will be what he was born to be: free and independent.
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
케네디 대통령 연설문에서 발췌한 주요 내용
 
 
 
 
 
케네디 대통령 연설문 (1) 중에서
 
No President should fear public scrutiny of his program. For from that scrutiny comes understanding; and from that understanding comes support or opposition. And both are necessary. I am not asking your newspapers to support the Administration, but I am asking your help in the tremendous task of informing and alerting the American people. For I have complete confidence in the response and dedication of our citizens whenever they are fully informed.
 
 
 
 
 
케네디 대통령 연설문 (2) 중에서 
 
No President should fear public scrutiny of his program. For from that scrutiny comes understanding; and from that understanding comes support or opposition. And both are necessary. I am not asking your newspapers to support the Administration, but I am asking your help in the tremendous task of informing and alerting the American people. For I have complete confidence (박수) in the response and dedication of our citizens whenever they are fully informed.
 
 
 
 
케네디 대통령 연설문 (3) 중에서 
 
I am asking your help in the tremendous task of informing and alerting the American people. Confident that with your help man will be what he was born to be: free and independent.  
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
인류의 안전을 위해
반드시 조사해야 하는 사건들과 묵상 자료
 
 
1. 아이젠하워 대통령 재직 시절 비밀 사회 조직의 미국 정부 조직에 대한 부당한 지휘.
 
2. 케네디 대통령 암살 직전 케네디 대통령 경호원들의 경호 포기 움직임과 각종 의혹들.
 
3. 아폴로 11호 달착륙 조작 사건.
 
4. 나사와 프리메이슨.
 
5. 유에프오 이야기를 자꾸 거론하는 세계 각국 정치인들.
 
6. 911 사태.
 
7. 니콜라스 록커펠러의 수상한 망언에 대한 아론 루소의 증언.
 
8. 로커펠러 자산 운용 회사의 대표였던 제임스 S. 맥도널드의 권총 사망 사건 (2009.9.13).
 
9. 미국이라는 숙주에 기생한 프리메이슨 기생충의 역사.
 
10. 십자군 전쟁과 프리메이슨의 탄생.
 
11. 종교개혁의 오류와 유럽 각국을 숙주로한 프리메이슨 기생충의 성장.
 
12. 니골라당과 감추었던 만나의 관계.
 
13. 요한 계시록이 말하는 사탄의 왕좌와 니골라당의 관계.
 
14. 요한 계시록이 말하는 '이기는 자'의 싸움 상대는?
 
15. 주님께서 "미워하노라."라고 특별히 말씀하신 이유는?
 
16. 니골라당, 뉴에이지, 프리메이슨, 일루미나티, 네피림. 종교와 정치와 군사가 결합된 샤만 통치 시대.
 
17. '혼돈과 질서'라는 프리메이슨의 전략적 주특기의 실체는 '병 주고 약 주어서 지배한다'이다.
 
18. 2009년 경제 대혼란과 단일 화폐 유도 작전.
 
19. 단일 화폐 유도작전의 의도는?
 
20. 화폐 발행과 관리는 누가 하는가?
 
21. 유럽과 미국의 화폐 발행권 문제.
 
22. 미국과 유럽의 금융 시스템.
 
23. 유럽 연합 의회 건물의 모양은 바벨탑 모양을 본딴 것이다. 누가 제안하고 누가 설계했나?
 
24. 언어 분열의 목적과 세계정부의 목적.
 
25. 미국 조지아주의 가이드 스토운.
 
26. 록펠러의 인구 감소 주장.
 
27. 케냐 출신인 오바마와 안나 알리 수녀, 그리고 안나 알리 수녀에게 영어로 받아 쓰게 하신 예언인 '성스러운 호소(Divine Appeal)'
 
28. 레오 13세의 '후마눔 게누스(Humanum Genus)', 어거스틴의 '하나님의 도성(Civitas Dei)', 마틴 루터의 '두 왕국설'
 
 
 

  
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
  
 
 
록펠러 자산 운용사 대표 자살
 
입력 : 2009.09.16 05:21 / 수정 : 2009.09.16 09:18
 
 
 
 
미국 록펠러 가문의 자산운용사인 ‘록펠러앤컴퍼니사’의 대표이사 제임스 S 맥도널드(56)가 차 안에서 숨진 채 발견됐다.

매사추세츠 사법당국은 지난 13일 맥도널드가 매사추세츠 다트머스의 한 자동차 판매점 뒤편에 주차된 차 안에서 총상을 입고 숨진 채로 발견됐으며, 차 안에서는 그가 맞은 것으로 추정되는 권총 1정도 함께 발견됐다고 15일 밝혔다. 때문에 현지 검찰은 그가 자살한 것으로 추정하고 있다.

하지만 현장에서 유서 등 그의 사망 이유를 밝혀줄 단서는 발견되지 않았다. 사법 당국도 ‘그의 죽음이 회사의 운영실적과 관련 있는지는 밝혀지지 않았다’고 발표했다.

맥도널드는 지난 2001년부터 ‘록펠러앤컴퍼니’의 대표이사로 일해왔다. 그가 이끌었던 ‘록펠러앤컴퍼니’는 지난 1882년 석유 재벌 존 록펠러의 자산 관리를 위해 설립된 회사로, 지난해 말 기준으로 미화 250억 달러의 자산을 운용하고 있었다.

하버드대를 졸업하고 매니지먼트 회사에서 경력을 쌓은 맥도널드는 뉴욕증권거래소(NYSE 유로넥스트)의 이사회 멤버이기도 했다. 또 최근 유동성 위기를 겪고 있는 중소기업 전문은행 CIT그룹의 이사로도 활동했다.

한편 회사측은 그의 사망으로 인해 오스틴 샤파드 최고운영책임자(COO) 겸 최고재무책임자(CFO)가 경영을 대신 맡을 것이라고 밝혔다.
 
 

  
 
 
 
 
 
 
레오 13세의 후마눔 게누스는 카톨릭 교황으로써 인류를 향해 프리메이슨의 위험성을 경고한 문서입니다.
 
이 문서는 어거스틴의 '하나님의 도성(Civitas Dei)'에 기초하여 프리메이슨의 영적인 실체를 고발한 것입니다.
 
그러므로 결국 이 문서는 마틴 루터의 두 왕국설에 연결되는 내용을 담고 있으며
 
프리메이슨이 사탄의 도성임을 말하고 있는 것입니다.
 
이 문서는 결국 아이젠하워 대통령의 대통령직 고별 연설에서 경고한 군산 복합체와 케네디 대통령의 비밀 사회의 위험성을 경고한 연설과 엮어지게 되고
 
최근들어서 부쩍 늘고 있는 음모론들과 연결되는 내용을 담고 있는 셈입니다.
 
나사(NASA) 안에 기생하고 있는 프리메이슨 문제도 이 문제와 연결되는 문제입니다.
 
최종적으로는 케네디 대통령의 연설문이 가장 구체적이고 확실한 증거가 됩니다.
 
이 전쟁은 아마겟돈 전쟁을 증거하는 문서들인 셈입니다.
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
이 전쟁에 대한 예언으로써는 안나 알리 수녀가 받아 쓴 '성스러운 호소(Divine Appeal)'가 있습니다. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
[이 게시물은 요한님에 의해 2009-10-20 06:04:58 주님의 성경 교육 2에서 복사 됨]

   


찬양 : 성만찬 말씀 천지창조와 어린양 새예루살렘성과 그리스도의 편지 개신교 찬송 김풍운 목사 찬양 카톨릭 미사 떼제 미사

- Missio Agni Dei - "Adore My Divine Sacrament and offer it to My Eternal Father, so that it may serve the salvation of souls." (Divine Appeal 34)
아미지가 : 자라나는 아이들의 미래를 지키고 가꾸는 하나님의 사람들


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